By Peter McPhee
This quantity presents an authoritative synthesis of modern paintings at the social heritage of France and is now completely revised and up to date to hide the 'long 19th century' from 1789-1914. Peter McPhee bargains either a readable narrative and a particular, coherent argument approximately this century. McPhee explores issues reminiscent of peasant interplay with the surroundings, the altering event of labor and rest, the character of crime and protest, altering demographic styles and relations constitution, the non secular practices of employees and peasants, and the ideology and inner repercussions of colonisation.
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Extra resources for A Social History of France, 1789-1914
The Swiss catalogues offered readers at every level of urban society a remarkable and socially explosive mixture of philosophy and obscenity: the finest works of Rousseau, Helvétius and d’Holbach jostled with titles such as The Nun in the Nightshirt, La fille de joie and Louis XV’s Orgies. The ribald yet moralistic tone of the latter mocked the Church, nobility and the royal family itself for both degeneracy and impotence, undermining at the same time the mystique of those born to rule as well as their capacity to do so.
3 If Louis’s younger brother, Provence, was prepared to countenance increased representation for the third estate, his youngest brother, Artois, and the ‘princes of the blood’ made their recalcitrance and fear known in a ‘memoir’ to Louis in December: ‘Who can say where the recklessness of opinions will stop? ’. Fulminating against the nobility’s obsession with its ‘odious privileges’, Sieyès issued a ringing declaration of commoner capacity: Who, then, would dare to say that the Third Estate does not contain everything needed to form a complete nation?
It is like a strong, robust man one of whose arms is still enchained. 4 To be sure, Sieyès was no democrat – women and the poor could not hope to represent their fellow citizens – but his challenge articulated a radical intransigence. Significantly, too, Sieyès wrote of just one privileged order, assuming that the clergy, too, were irrevocably divided between its noble élite and commoner parish priests. This was also recognized by Louis himself: as a way of further pressuring the nobility, and as a mark of his own religious convictions, he announced in January that parish priests (but not curates) would vote individually in the assemblies to elect deputies to Versailles, while monasteries would have only one representative and cathedral chapters one for every ten canons.
A Social History of France, 1789-1914 by Peter McPhee