By Yanis Varoufakis
A monstrous conflict is being waged for Europe’s integrity and soul, with the forces of cause and humanism wasting out to becoming irrationality, authoritarianism, and malice, selling inequality and austerity. the complete international has a stake in a victory for rationality, liberty, democracy, and humanism.
In January 2015, Yanis Varoufakis, an economics professor educating in Austin, Texas, was once elected to the Greek parliament with extra votes than the other member of parliament. He used to be appointed finance minister and, within the whirlwind 5 months that undefined, every thing he had warned about—the perils of the euro’s defective layout, the ecu Union’s shortsighted austerity regulations, financialized crony capitalism, American complicity and emerging authoritarianism—was proven because the “troika” (the ecu principal financial institution, overseas financial Fund, and eu fee) stonewalled his efforts to unravel Greece’s fiscal crisis.
Here, Varoufakis gives you a clean examine the background of Europe’s concern and America’s crucial function in it. He provides the last word case opposed to austerity, offering concrete regulations for Europe which are essential to deal with its trouble and dodge contagion to the US, China, and the remainder of the realm. With passionate, informative, and from time to time funny prose, he warns that the implosion of an admittedly crisis–ridden and deeply irrational eu financial union may still, and will, be shunned in any respect cost.
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Extra resources for And the Weak Suffer What They Must?: Europe's Crisis and America's Economic Future
73 However, the idealistic rhetoric identifying socialism with the cultural advancement of humanity did not detract from the primacy of politics in the party’s activity. ) The Gotha Programme posited the goal of the party as “the free state [a formulation justly criticized by Marx as vague, but connoting for many socialists a democratic republic], the destruction of the iron law of wages [a Lassallean formula also sharply rejected by Marx] through the abolition of the system of wage labour, the abolition of exploitation in every form, and the elimination of all social and political inequality”.
8 30 THE PEOPLE’S STAGE IN IMPERIAL GERMANY Liebknecht criticized the popular press as having no other goal but to make money, and as consequently being extremely crude in form and in content “opium for one’s reason and poison for one’s morality”. 11 Thus, for Liebknecht, the existing social order had drawn up a “Chinese wall” around the “realm of education” [das Reich der Bildung], which had to be destroyed. 12 Liebknecht called on the example of 1789 to argue that such a social upheaval would release the talents and abilities of thousands whose potential would otherwise be suppressed.
91 However, Roth’s use of the term “subculture” has not gone unchallenged, for example by Helga Grebing, who questions the applicability of the terms “subculture” or “counterculture” THE PEOPLE’S STAGE IN IMPERIAL GERMANY 45 [“Gegenkultur”] to the culture of the labour movement, as they denote respectively the forms of behaviour of a marginal minority, or alternative ways of life, opposed to the dominant form, also on the part of minorities. 92 Vernon L. ”93 Roth’s model posits a misleadingly homogeneous and coherent model of a “dominant culture” in the face of which the labour movement was confronted by two equally sterile alternatives: to be assimilated, or to take up a negative, oppositional stance, which provided a zone of limited internal autonomy, but which ended up merely reproducing the “dominant” culture.
And the Weak Suffer What They Must?: Europe's Crisis and America's Economic Future by Yanis Varoufakis